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Ex- VP Dick Cheney: A Look Back on the Impactful Political Career

The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as arguably the most powerful occupants of that position in US history. Although many vice-presidents had to settle for marginal or symbolic functions, Cheney exercised enormous sway during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was often called as the "actual president".

Bush resented this portrayal and stated the dynamic was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was respectful, invariably addressing him in official appearances as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their association as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. Regardless of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president accommodating on a wide array of policy decisions.

A Post-9/11 Era

At the head of a group of neo-cons that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the shooting down of any unresponsive airplanes heading toward the US Capitol.

Cheney stated the assaults transformed him, making him become focused on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.

Controversial Decisions

He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the waterboarding of individuals captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on inaccurate intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I had faith at the time and I maintain that stance presently."

Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: potentially, deception, incompetence, and graft."

Additional Factors

Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had composed a memo setting out circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (including "access to crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be postured to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," particularly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.

Bush also had assumed the Oval Office somewhat determined on implementing what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.

Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a scheme to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his predecessor's face that everyone had to step on.

Investigation Approaches

However it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous behind striking Iraq, repeatedly citing agency briefings that were both insubstantial or totally inaccurate. He supported what the Bush government politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the application of interrogation method and physical pressure.

Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had resulted from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to catch the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of credit."

External Perception

Cheney took pleasure in nicknames given to him by detractors such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the background that operates invisibly come out of his domain? This represents a advantageous way to operate, in fact."

Commercial Ties

Controversy over his business interests pursued him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but good contacts in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and top executive.

In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US agreements worth substantial sums.

It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the corporation grew from his $258,394 during his time as defence secretary to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package worth more than $20m|twenty

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Ray Cox

A Berlin-based writer passionate about uncovering hidden gems and sharing cultural narratives across Germany.

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